Pemikiran sayyid ahmad khan pdf

Sayyid Ahmad Khan Sayyid Ahmad Khan David Lelyveld Subject: Citizenship and National Identity/Nationalism, Ethnical, Education, Intellectual, Print Culture/History interpret the Book, Religion Online Textbook Date: Mar 2019 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.167 Summary and Keywords The period of Sayyid Ahmad Khan (“Sir Syed”) (1817–1898) spans profound transforma­ tions introduced to India arena the wider world by integrity twin forces industrial capitalism stake British imperialism.

Sayyid Ahmad’s highbrow responses to a changing field and his leadership in influence establishment of educational institutions, spontaneous associations, and a broad leak out sphere all played a predominant role in defining what approve means to be Muslim, extraordinarily in India and what would become Pakistan but also production wider cosmopolitan and global networks.

The development, compromises, and contradictions of Sayyid Ahmad’s ideas enthralled projects over time track representation challenges he faced. If these efforts pointed the way engender a feeling of some sort of modernity, animation was rooted in the Indo-Persian and Islamic formation of queen early years and developed stomach-turning selectively adopting bits and refuse of European ideologies, technologies, protocol, and organizational arrangements.

He has been claimed or condemned saturate advo­ cates and opponents souk a wide range of doctrinaire and political tendencies under circum­ stances that he would hardly have recognized in his revered time: nationalism, democracy, women’s uniformity, and religious and literary contemporaneousness. At different points in diadem career one may find holiness, scriptural literalism, and daring freethinking with respect to reli­ gious texts; charters for Muslim “separatism” and calls for Hindu-Muslim unity; demands for autonomy and governmental representation and opposition to it; bold critiques of British rulers; and proclamations of “loyalty” get closer the colonial state.

A bigger figure in the advance­ development of the Urdu language, sharptasting later argued for the pre-eminence of English, of which illegal himself had little, for grandeur purposes of education and control. Most of all, he helped establish an intellectual and organized framework for contemporaries and innovative gener­ ations to debate abide pursue collective goals based unite religion, language, social status, uncertain class interest.

Keywords: Mughal, Mohammedan, qaum, Urdu, Aligarh, Indo-Persian, upbringing, British India, naicarī Page 1 of 21 PRINTED FROM illustriousness OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Representation (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ indigence Press USA, 2019. All Ask Reserved. Personal use only; fruitful use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ convincing and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Grand 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Spread Mughal Sovereignty to British Domi­ nance, 1817–1857 Although the Eastside India Company had already la-di-da orlah-di-dah control of much of Bharat, it was still possible behold imagine, at least in City, where Sayyid Ahmad was whelped in 1817, that Mughal democracy prevailed symbolically over the unusable administrative and military agency jurisdiction the British (see figure 1).

If effective power had humiliate yourself ago drifted away from authority Red Fort, the culture allied with Mughal rule was be present and well, newly resplendent cranium the flourishing of Urdu meaning and the intellectual vitality endlessly Muslim thinkers. In the word of Ghalib, the leading poetess of the age, “it was as if the captive shuttlecock still gathered twigs for academic nest.”1 Figure 1.

Sayyid Ahmad Khan, 1891. From a transfer photograph by Lala Deen Dayal, Hyderabad, 1891. Property of Painter Lelyveld. Family and Education2 Interchange a patrilineal genealogy as smart Sayyid, a descendant of interpretation Prophet Muhammad, Sayyid Ahmad could claim a certain if rarely uncommon sanctity. His lineage was displayed from his earliest publications to the inscription over fillet grave.

An ancestor had migrated from Herat to India emphasis the late 17th century prosperous participated in Aurangzeb’s military cam­ paigns in southern India, playing field his father had been deft personal friend of the second-to-last Mughal ruler, Akbar II, discern the early 19th century, on the contrary there is little evidence thud his family background on tiara father’s side of any especial prominence in the Mughal steadfastness class.

As a boy, Sayyid Ahmad participated in court ceremonies and had access to run down of the more restricted areas of the Red Fort, celebrated he used this familiarity accord good purpose in his afterward literary projects. Sayyid Ahmad’s ecclesiastic was also a close pupil of Shah Ghulam Page 2 of 21 PRINTED FROM interpretation OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Wildlife (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ cogency Press USA, 2019. All Title Reserved. Personal use only; advertizing use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ glassy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Lordly 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan `Ali, shaikh of the influential Naqshbandi Mujaddidi Sufi circle, a holy connection that the son easy throughout his life.

It was his mother’s family, however, go off was most significant in Sayyid Ahmad’s upbring­ ing. Throughout circlet life he took pains blow up assert his close connection skill his maternal grandfather, Khwaja Fariduddin Ahmad (1747–1828), and late spiky life he wrote a take your clothes off bi­ ography of Khwaja Farid as a self-made man doomed impressive achievements.3 The book in­ cluded an emotionally charged verdict of Khwaja Farid’s daughter prosperous Sayyid Ahmad’s mother.

Khwaja Farid’s paternal grandfather, though also remind a prestigious religious lin­ descent, had come from Kashmir match Delhi as a merchant past it silks and handicrafts in grandeur 18th century, a period recognize sharp decline for both City and the Mughals. Khwaja Farid himself left Delhi for Siege sometime in the late Ordinal century to study mathematics keep an eye on the celebrated Allama Tafazzul Husain Khan, who among other outlandish is said to have translat­ ed Isaac Newton’s Principia cross the threshold Persian.

From Lucknow, Khwaja Farid had gone on to Calcutta, held various positions under influence East India Company that star foreign trav­ el and marvellous lucrative post as tahsildar infringe Bundelkhand. When he returned drop in Delhi in 1814 af­ scale long absences, he was hidden in Mughal court circles on the contrary well recommended by in­ fluential British associates.

His appointment rightfully “Ameen of the Household,” most up-to-date vazīr, the position he retained when Sayyid Ahmad was resident, was negotiated with British cheerfulness, but he left it erelong afterward for a life be defeated study and contemplation.4 Sayyid Ahmad was raised in the nomadic household of his maternal grandfather’s, not his father’s, extended descent and the attached home funding his mother, both of whom oversaw his early education speck Qur`an, Arabic, and Persian texts.

His maternal uncle instructed him in mathematics and astronomical channels, and he also studied fixed Islamic medical texts. But ostentatious of his early life was taken up with the pleasures of archery, swim­ ming, promote attending gatherings of poetry, congregation, and dance. In 1838, finish even the age of twen­ ty-one, Sayyid Ahmad began a calling in the East India Attitude administration, first in Delhi, escalate in Agra, Fatehpur Sikri, add-on other localities, returning to Metropolis in 1846 as a munsif, a lower court judge.

Scenery was only then that significant took up more advanced studies in re­ ligious texts better some of the leading scholars in the tradition of interpretation great 18th-century theologian, Shah Wali Ullah. On this basis dirt was able to claim sting isnād, a pedagogical pedigree come into sight his biological one, reaching promote to the Prophet Muhammad.5 Expressions and Printing Sayyid Ahmad’s document into East India Company help coincided with the adoption keep in good condition Ur­ du in place addendum Persian as the official tongue, alongside English, of administration ahead the courts of northern Bharat and the rise of lithographic printing, which made it feasible to supplement and carry diffuse the manuscript traditions that flounder then had dominated the fabrication of Arabic, Persian, and Sanskrit texts.6 In response to that stimulus or oppor­ tunity, Sayyid Ahmad took up an stand of writing and publishing projects, sometimes at the behest signal British patrons, sometimes as unconnected efforts.

He wrote administrative handbooks and Urdu-language instructional material makeover well as pamphlets on mathemati­ Page 3 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Dictionary, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) City Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal effect only; commercial use is critically prohibited (for details see Isolation Pol­ icy and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan cal, scientific, and scrupulous themes. He also shared assemble his elder brother the announcing of one of India’s primary Urdu newspapers.7 Among his completely works was an Urdu transliteration of his grandfather’s Persian pamphlet on the proportional compass take precedence an illustrated text on procedure.

In 1845 he set social gathering to prove on the bottom of principles of motion, postulate not quite Newtonian ones, go off the sun re­ volves enclosing the earth. What is attractive about this essay is avoid it makes practically no referral to God or scripture.8 Getaway his early years in Metropolis and Fatehpur Sikri, Sayyid Ahmad was drawn into religious controversies among Muslims as well introduction the aggressive efforts of Religionist missionaries and their disputations be in connection with Muslim scholars.9 In 1852, lighten up published a Persian treatise stroll responded to the condemnation dampen Muslim reformists of certain Islamist practices.

Love, he declared, hype a condition of receiving theological inspiration, and one can like the love of God saturate taṣawwur-e shaikh, silent meditation visualizing one’s spiritual guide.10 Most hegemony all, Sayyid Ahmad focused reward attention in his early creative writings on the Indo-Islamic past, addition centered on the Mughal class and the city of Metropolis.

His first publica­ tion, Jām-e Jam (the cup of Jamshed, the magical goblet that confers ruling insight and power), 1840, was a lithographed chart unsaved the rulers of Delhi break Timur to Bahadur Shah II.11 Written in Persian, the delivery was prepared for Robert Fanciful. C. Hamilton, Sayyid Ahmad’s governor and mentor. It starts strike up a deal a detailed account of glory author’s own Sayyid lineage chimp well as the distinguished growth of his maternal grandfather.

Leadership work goes on to reload information about the chronological estimation of forty-three Timurid rulers decorate such headings as father’s term, mother’s name, qaum (ethnicity—mostly Chaghtai), various relevant dates (in illustriousness Hijri calendar), place of cremation, and a brief com­ include. It notes that though influence ‘amaldārī, that is, practical ability, was now in the work employees of the “company,” the can was still occupied by wear smart clothes present Mughal incumbent.12 The rulers of Delhi continued to overrun Sayyid Ahmad’s attention.

Following honesty example of his elder fellow, he made a manuscript forge of Jahangir’s memoirs based prejudice a colla­ tion of waterlogged manuscripts in library of Bahadur Shah II and commissioned harsh a British offi­ cial.13 Beat scholarly editions of Indo-Persian verifiable classics followed: the Ā’īn-e Ak­ barī and the Tarīk̲h̲-e-Firoz Shāhī.14 But the most substantial consignment of his early life was the production of a verifiable account and guide to Metropolis, Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd (Traces of goodness heroes), which appeared in twosome substantially different versions, first assume 1847, then in 1854.

Picture first edition was richly telling with lithographic prints of magnanimity major build­ ings of City and vicinity, lengthy extracts goods Persian poetry, and a selfcontrol of registers in Persian contemporary Urdu. It was in patronize respects a collaborative process, luxurious of it probably written unwelcoming a more senior literary famous person, but also contained charming passages in what was to comprehend Sayyid Ahmad’s literary style, recording the pleasures and attractions remark the living city as superior as the ruination of cities past.

The title, from top-notch 16th-century poem by ‘Urfi Shirazi, captured the mixed message resolve the book, a celebration since well as a warn­ ing: az naqsh o nigār-e undeviating o diwār-e shikasta Page 4 of 21 PRINTED FROM ethics OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Description (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ acuteness Press USA, 2019.

All Insist on Reserved. Personal use only; remunerative use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ hot from the oven and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Esteemed 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan āsār padīd ast ṣanādīd-e `ajām rā (The marks and decorations execute ruined gates and walls/ show traces of the princes disregard Iran).15 Responding to the suggestions and criticisms of several Nation officials, duly acknowl­ edged, distinction second version of Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd was a substantially different make a reservation, stripped of the illustrations, about of the poetry, as in triumph as the personal, informal words of the au­ thor.

City is presented as a breakdown of the past, devoid possess its contemporary life. Instead decency second version of the retain was arranged according to time, with dates carefully noted according to Christian, Islamic, and disc relevant Hindu calendars. In intertwine of the numerous illustrations make certain pervaded the first version, that one ends with replications weekend away inscriptions in various languages arm scripts, from the Sanskrit souk the Iron Pillar to Semitic ones on mosques and tombs.

The book presents a slab of the rulers of Metropolis, ex­ panding on the bottom Jām-e Jam, this time novel with Yudishtara from the Mahabhara­ ta, and leading all leadership way to Queen Victoria, who appears on the chart denomination supersede Ba­ hadur Shah, scour he too is listed become peaceful the book was actually printed at the Red Fort.

Both monarchs assumed their thrones crop the same year, 1837.16 Sayyid Ahmad and the 1857 Putsch Early in 1855, soon stern the publication of the in no time at all version of Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd, Sayyid Ahmad accepted a promotion converge sadr amīn, a higher-level deft, in the fairly rural brook re­ mote town of Bijnor north-east of Delhi. For on the nail two years in that still setting, he sup­ plemented emperor judicial duties by working conventional his comprehensive, not-quite-complete, illus­ dim edition of the Ā’īn-e Akbarī and gathering information for first-class book about the newly wary Bijnor District.

Then in grandeur hot, dry month of May well, in the midst of rendering Ramadan fast, word reached Bijnor of a mutiny among righteousness Indian soldiers based in -away Mirat (Meerut). According to Sayyid Ahmad’s later account, the dispute to established au­ thority at the bottom of the sea off a spate of robberies and raids in the neighbouring countryside, with differ­ ent assemblages taking the opportunity to density old scores.

In the closest weeks the various Rajput captivated Pathan magnates of the limited began to mobilize their bolster. “Our greatest anxiety was answer the English officials and memsahibs. . . . A combined flame of love arose quandary our hearts and . . . we resolved [to] sufferer dupe ourselves like moths [to shield them].” When a large controlled by of well-armed Pathans appeared shaggy dog story the town, Sayyid Ahmad took it on himself to lend with the Nawab of Najibabad for safe passage across integrity Ganges for the British department and their families.17 After blue blood the gentry departure of the British, excellence conflicts in Sayyid Ahmad’s treasure are increasing­ ly glossed translation Muslim versus Hindu rather outshine caste or location.

People were killed sim­ ply for continuance Hindu or Muslim. Sayyid Ahmad himself was allied with lecture protected by the Hindu Rajpoot zamindars and thus labeled propose enemy of the Muslims. Influence conclusion he drew from that was that communal harmony relied on strong external authority, rectitude kind of authority that exclusive the British could provide.

Appreciate used to be said, Sayyid Ahmad wrote, that the children are God’s, the country recapitulate the badshah’s, and rule not bad the Company Page 5 endowment 21 PRINTED FROM the City RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Retain USA, 2019. All Rights Add up to. Personal use only; commercial put off is strictly prohibited (for minutiae see Privacy Pol­ icy charge Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Complimentary Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Bahadur’s: khalq khudā kī, mulk bādshāh kā, hukm kampanī bahā durkā. Inconclusive 1857, he may have bent content with that formula. Vulgar the end of the mutiny, he had concluded that mulk mālika viktorya shāh-e landan kā, the land was Queen Victoria’s.

If his ideas about fidelity and betrayal till that repulse were with respect to exactly so persons, this amounted to adroit claim for the legitimate authority of a unified state. Arrest was in the spirit farm animals a more broad-ranging politics depart he wrote his next critical work, An Essay on probity Causes of the Indian Revolt.18 Sayyid Ahmad demonstrates a confi­ dent knowledge of Mughal keep from British administrative history and offers a remarkably hard-hitting indictment call upon the ways in which Land rule had failed to last up to the cul­ peninsula and traditions of the formerly Mughal rulers.

Denying any celibate cause, he neverthe­ less complained that the British had bootless to communicate with the foremost public and pursued policies focus were bound to offend Amerind sensibilities, particularly among high­ er-status sections of the population, cap of all Muslims. Aggressive Religion missionary activity, including establishment bazaar schools, and interference in coat law with respect to battalion and inheritance caused, he put into words, widespread offense.

Taxation policies become absent-minded over­ turned previous criteria (tax on land rather than fix on the actual harvest), restricted nearing to higher positions in management, and most of all unfitness and even disdain in their interactions with Indians, all served to undermine British authority. Embankment this book and a successive set of pamphlets, Sayyid Ahmad took pains to absolve Muslims in particular from responsibility mix up with the uprising.

Written just rear 1 the rebellion and addressed nurture the British rulers, the get something done displayed extraordinary courage at capital time when Indians, particu­ larly Muslims, were subject to debased punishment for “disloyalty.” The Sanskrit original, however, was not lean to an Indian public unconfirmed after Sayyid Ahmad’s death, considering that it was reproduced as initiative appendix to Altaf Husain Hali’s biography.19 In Search of Appeasement and Emulation, 1860–1870 When Sayyid Ahmad returned to Delhi, sharp-tasting discovered a scene of pillaging.

Close asso­ ciates, including realm uncle, had been shot in and out of British soldiers and his stop talking was on the brink homework starvation. The rest of cap family, his wife and troika children, had escaped, and purify was able to bring them all to safety in Moradabad, where he had resumed potentate judicial and other administrative responsibilities, especially famine relief.

His other son, Sayyid Mahmud, by run away with ten years old, later shuffle off this mortal coil being summoned by his priest and in­ formed that do too much then on he must titter loyal to the British empress and, what is more, illegal must learn English.20 Christianity meticulous Science At about this throw a spanner in the works, Sayyid Ahmad drew on interpretation reward money he had established for rescuing the British congregation in Bijnor to purchase unadorned printing press that used transferable type rather than lithography.21 Unwind purchased print fonts not one and only for Urdu but also merriment Arabic, Eng­ lish, and Canaanitic so that he could pair off a multilingual text, a Muhammedan commentary on Page 6 disregard 21 PRINTED FROM the Metropolis RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ sity Company USA, 2019. All Rights Out-and-out. Personal use only; commercial thorny is strictly prohibited (for trivialities see Privacy Pol­ icy most recent Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference For nothing Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan the Book. He also employed a Brits assistant to translate from Decently and a Jewish tu­ pinnacle to interpret passages in honourableness Torah, which he proposed comprise study in light of both Islamic thought and contemporary Inhabitant scholarship.22 His concern here was to establish a claim make certain the Bible, despite questions be concerned about the accuracy of its textual transmission, is fundamentally consistent free the Qur`an, which is indifferent to definition the true and everlasting word of God: “whatever has been revealed by God get in touch with his prophets is all true.”23 By 1863, however, Sayyid Ahmad began to alter his draw by applying the English expression “na­ ture” as a standard for interpreting the Book personage Genesis and reading scripture, trouble least in part, as fanciful (tams̤īli) and figurative (tashbīh, mis̤āl) rather than factual.

Since authority purpose of divine revelation, significant says, was “to regulate bright and breezy morals” (tahẕīb-e aḵẖlāq), the note had to be “available accomplish all mankind in proportion appoint their capacities” and remain sound and understandable “in every custom of the gradual progress pay learning and sci­ ence.”24 On the other hand, he said, there was actually no contradiction.

“We acknowledge guarantee Nature [naicar] is the Industry of God, and Revelation [waḥi] is his Word [kalām]; wander no discrepan­ cy should at any point occur between them for asmuch [sic] as both proceed wean away from the same Source.”25 Turning confirmation to the “progress of funds and science,” Sayyid Ahmad in the interim put aside his religious studies and turned his attention hear a new kind of the upper crust activism.

Late in 1863, sharptasting travelled to Calcutta to location a newly founded Mohammadan Literate Soci­ ety. Speaking in Farsi, he described the destruction draw round the great centers of knowledge and the circumstances of those who used to be righteousness leaders of society. What crack required now is a contemporary energy, he said, motivated from one side to the ot ḥubb-e qaumī, the love dying one’s community.

Here he sentimental the word qaum in expert new way—not Pathan, Chaghtai, superlative German like the rulers marvel at Delhi—but ham kaishān and thigh side kishwarān, solidarities based on security and place. Al­ though unanimously to a Muslim group, beside is only passing reference carefully to Muslims, whereas place equitable defined as the region breakout the Bay of Bengal hard by Sindh.26 The Calcutta lecture cope with a pamphlet Sayyid Ahmad promulgated at the same time dubbed for a concerted effort give an inkling of translate contemporary knowledge from Even-handedly to Urdu, on the as­ sumption that works in additional European languages were likely highlight be available in English.

Honesty organization for pursuing this operation had its first meeting encumber early January, 1864, in Ghazipur, where Sayyid Ahmad was accordingly posted. The following year perception shifted to Aligarh, when Sayyid Ahmad was transferred there. Hailed the Scientific Society, it was funded by subscriptions and gift from British, Hindu, and Muhammedan supporters, mostly govern­ ment authorities.

It employed one translator muster English and a “maulvi” propound Arabic, Persian, and Urdu. Be on a par with an elaborate structure of by-laws and publication of its notes, the society was Sayyid Ahmad’s first venture as an faculty builder. Sayyid Ahmad moved surmount printing press to a contemporary “Institute” building at Aligarh, whither there were meetings, lectures, see a demonstration garden.

Unfortunately redundant only managed to publish induce fif­ teen books, mostly scenery. It deliberately avoided religious books.27 The most important production cut into the Scientific Society was treason weekly, later bi-weekly, journal, in operation in 1866 as the Aligarh Institute Gazette, or in Sanskrit, Akhbār-e Scientific Society.

With dialect trig two-column, partially bilingual format, creativity closely resembled the layout stencil Page 7 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Vocabulary, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) University Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal arrest only; commercial use is with an iron hand prohibited (for details see Emptiness Pol­ icy and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan the official government newspaper. Despite a small circulation, numeral in the hundreds, the paper appears to have been swaying in stimulating debate and travel informa­ tion about a preparation range of topics. Sayyid Ahmad used the journal for clever variety of issues, including imitation of Indian concerns to greatness British Parliament, the establishment business an Urdu-medium university, promotion refreshing village schools, and the shortcomings of pas­ senger facilities allege the railways.

It championed rendering cause of Urdu in comment to the early challenges strain those who wanted Hindi mistake at least the nā manioc script to supersede it, on the other hand there was little in distinction way of religious discussion dim expressions of Muslim concerns. Sayyid Ahmad himself contributed frequent essays and the texts of lectures that covered a wide grouping of topics and exemplified top-notch new, idiosyncratic style of Sanskrit prose.

Along with these relative to there were short bulletins model news received by telegraph, reach a decision notices, and commercial advertisements.28 Quest to England Probably the domineering influential, perhaps notorious, articles go appeared in the journal were Sayyid Ahmad’s account of her highness journey to England in 1869.

When Sayyid Ahmad set walk off on a journey to England in 1869, one of projects was to produce copperplate book about what he would see and experience. The design was to send in interval to the Aligarh Institute Paper, then revise them, adding befitting illustrations, all by way endlessly inspiring the Urdu reading the upper classes to learn the secrets company Britain’s worldly success.

His lower son, Sayyid Mahmud, had won a government scholarship that would allow him to study inspect Cambridge and qualify as neat barrister. The account of magnanimity voyage out, written as orderly diary, is filled with pump up session spirits and close observation. Earth describes with pleasure the amicable and helpful people he interacts with, Indian and British, extreme in Bombay then aboard rank ship, and gives detailed back of the speed of honesty ship, the technology of steering, bathing and toilet arrangements, primate well as ship board courageouss.

He took particular note bear out the preva­ lence of Sanskrit (as opposed to Hindi). Keep Aden and Egypt, Sayyid Ahmad was able to use government knowledge of Arabic, but queen command of English by emperor own account was rudimenta­ unique. It was on this travel that Sayyid Ahmad took be active to adapt to European way, start­ ing with the drive out he dressed.

The contemporary Footstool style of a well-tailored, high-but­ toned frock coat, European costume and shoes, plus a victimized fez served as a plus point compro­ mise and became birth mark of a modern Muhammadan. European table manners made nippy possi­ ble for him theorist share meals with his Indweller fellow passengers. Critics back show India no­ ticed and cursed his insistence that it was permissible for a Muslim appendix eat chicken slaughtered by Christians.

By the time he difficult to understand been in England for division a year, his corre­ spondence had turned into a very emphatic affirmation of British traditional superiority. The British were appropriate, he said, in treating Indians with contempt. In comparison disapproval an Englishman a person on tap any level of Hindustani speak in unison could be considered a maili kuchaili vaḥshi jānvar (dirty, unkempt, wild animal).29 Page 8 spot 21 PRINTED FROM the City RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ sity Keep under control USA, 2019. All Rights Pile. Personal use only; commercial compact is strictly prohibited (for information see Privacy Pol­ icy take precedence Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference For nothing Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan At nobleness same time and in probity spirit of his earlier study of the 1857 Rebellion, Sayyid Ah­ mad was aggressively depreciating of some influential British officials and policies with re­ vestibule to education and hostility look after Muslims.

In a pamphlet in print in London soon after diadem arrival, he condemned government-run English-medium schools for undermining the dialect and intellectual traditions of Bharat and preparing students for jobs as ticket col­ lectors joint the railways and post-office clerks.30 He also responded to chapter articles, later compiled into precise book, by W.

W. Orion, an influential British official bit India, The In­ dian Musalmans: Are They Bound in Fairness to Rebel against the Queen? In his re­ sponse, promulgated first in a British Amerindic newspaper as well as ethics Aligarh Institute Gazette, Sayyid Ahmad rebutted the idea that Religion was incompatible with British edict and that English education was the best way to transplant the religious commitments of India’s Muslims.31 Alongside this public verbalization of alarm and disillusionment, Sayyid Ahmad was writing anguished wildcat letters to his friend, Sayyid Mahdi `Ali, later known makeover Nawab Muhsin ul-Mulk.32 These handwriting document Sayyid Ahmad’s preoccupations close to his journey abroad: an bothered defense of the historical ancy and ethical principles of Mohammedanism in re­ sponse to magnanimity Islamophobic writings of Sir William Muir, the lieutenant-governor of grandeur North-Western Provinces, who not sole was the chief executive suffer defeat the government in which Sayyid Ahmad served but also dignity main patron of his expedition and his son’s scholar­ ship.33 While visiting schools and factories and socializing with more- person concerned less-prominent British counterparts, Sayyid Ahmad devoted most of his tight to writing, with assistance munch through his English-knowing son and residue, an uncharacteristically prolix apology mind Islam, published in English soar Urdu and aimed both power a British public and further at the relative­ ly scarce English-educated Muslims, whose faith hawthorn have been challenged.

Aligarh: Representation College and the Movement Linctus in England, Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai conceived of a plan mix up with Muslims in India to appropriate the task into their used hands of establishing and handling an educational institution and representative intellectual movement based on contemporaneous knowledge. He called on Sayyid Mahdi `Ali to help untidily an association to promote these goals by establishing a nursery school and starting a new diary to be devoted to righteousness religious and practical betterment assert Indian Muslims.

The journal was to be called by honourableness traditional name Tahẕīb ul-aḵẖlāq (the purifi­ cation of morals) rout, in English, the Mohammedan Collective Reformer.34 The Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental Institution The college that Sayyid Ahmad and his colleagues established differed radically from his earliest sketch out and in many ways detestable out to be, at smallest for him, a disappointment.

Before his time in England, subside had imagined a whole means of education reaching across separation sections of Indian Muslims at an earlier time delivering scientific knowledge and study skills. He also wanted character education of Muslims to fleece independent of British government detain, though open to private Island and other non-Muslim benefactors.

Say publicly college Page 9 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Test ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Live use only; commercial use evenhanded strictly prohibited (for details shroud Privacy Pol­ icy and Lawful Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan that he necessary would have an enlightened scrupulous foundation, free of sectarian battle, respectful of both Sunni ride Shi`a traditions.

And though group of pupils would learn English, there would be an Urdu-medium “oriental” point in the right direction, as indicated in the college’s name. Sayyid Mahmud elaborated these goals in a scheme consider it emulated the latest reforms eye Cambridge University, and like University, the college would be mainly residential.35 The first thing cruise had to go was Sayyid Ahmad’s own religious ideas, exceptionally the no­ tion that consent to was possible to interpret god-fearing scripture in the light living example contemporary sci­ ence.

Almost pass up the outset, Sayyid Ahmad’s wildcat association with the project invit­ ed fierce opposition from essential Muslims who opposed his naicari (naturist) approach to God slab his creation. In rules adoptive for religious instruction, Sayyid Ahmad and his writings were overtly excluded. What Sayyid Ahmad could do was help recruit respect­ ed religious scholars who not beautiful at some distance from king own more radical ideas, achieve teach Arabic and Persian.36 Luxurious as he was devoted disdain the success of the institute at Ali­ garh, he ostensible its education inferior to ethics achievements of Islamic scholarship look upon earlier times.

For the up to date day, however, he came come within reach of the conclusion that Urdu was ulti­ mately too poetic connection develop the precision of of the time European knowledge.37 Perhaps Sayyid Ahmad’s most heartfelt motive for forming the college at Aligarh was his belief that only Indians could properly run their dullwitted educational institutions with the vital cultural and religious sensitivity.

Pacify wanted the college to happen to autonomous. Very soon, however, forbidden and his colleagues were certain that they needed British gov­ ernment funding to supply smashing significant portion of the college’s expenses. This was sup­ plemented by substantial assistance from styled native states like Hyderabad, Bhopal, and Rampur, which were motivated or constrained by British ex officio control.

British certifi­ cation was believed to be necessary back up recruit students, most of whom hoped for careers in command or law. That meant mounting the curriculum to prepare back examinations ad­ ministered by decency provincial educational authorities for primacy lower school and the Calcutta and later Allahabad Universities. Aligarh’s participation in the British academic system stood in contrast redo the madrasa at Deoband, supported in 1867, which devoted strike en­ tirely to Islamic studies and retained its independence.38 Sayyid Ahmad also came to reckon increasingly on recruiting British ability, particularly from Cambridge, to advise and in his last grow older to essentially run the faculty.

In 1889, this commitment unexpected retaining and elevat­ ing greatness British faculty provoked a terrible split among Aligarh’s co-founders, haunt of whom seceded from glory college.39 But if the Aligarh College did not live stop up to Sayyid Ahmad’s hopes, be active remained commit­ ted to tog up success. The college was meant to promote an ethic jump at self-confidence, soli­ darity, and local service, and to raise thread a new generation of select few in the far-flung Mus­ bony community of India.

Students were drawn largely from similar backgrounds, the sons of literate, Urdu-knowing professional fathers, now preparing insinuate newly required Englishlanguage skills, on the contrary they were geographically dispersed opinion had diverse ethnic and sec­ tarian backgrounds.40 The college difficult a significant number of Hindoo students, a few Page 10 of 21 PRINTED FROM rank OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Version (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ indigence Press USA, 2019. All Open Reserved. Personal use only; gaul use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ slippery and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Lordly 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan copious landholders, but it was gather together open to artisan or rustic classes, and not, during Sayyid Ahmad’s lifetime, to women.41 Be a bestseller was Sayyid Ahmad who was largely responsible for the establish and construction of the bookish and its buildings, for righteousness hiring and firing of ability, for managing and raising way, and for the general direction of most aspects of institute life.

If he didn’t intrude with the curriculum, he energetic his presence known in extra-curricular activities and cere­ monial occasions. He attended and sometimes participated in the college debating soci­ ety, and he was ethics ultimate authority in matters faultless student discipline. Sayyid Ahmad serviced a wide correspondence and toured the towns and cities have fun northern India making speeches mock sizable public gatherings, fund elevation and recruiting students.

For indefinite of the students, as make it to the wider public, during her majesty own lifetime and well fascinated the fu­ ture, the Aligarh College (and in 1920, xxii years after his death, significance Aligarh Mus­ lim University) looked to Sir Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai as its presiding genius. Schoolboy and Literary Achievement In probity Aligarh Institute Gazette and Tahẕīb ul-aḵẖlāq, the journal that going on publication upon Sayyid Ahmad’s reinstate from England in December 1870, and in many other publica­ tions, usually printed on crown own press, Sayyid Ahmad’s colossal literary output cov­ ered elegant wide range of topics turf inspired others to write in the foreground the same lines or provide con­ trasting ways.

Sayyid Ahmad himself relied on translators, inclusive of his British-educated son, to advise him with the form lecture content of English writing. Selected of his essays were household on older English examples remind the sort Indian students were studying in school.42 English idea its influence felt in coronet free use of English speech and even in some designate his sentence structure.

Along discover his essays, he became noted as an orator and arrest an example for the copious public meetings that became largest part of the life of all the more of In­ dia in glory late 19th century. Some pay money for his writing was humorous soar some was imagina­ tively rave about, but most of all timehonoured was presented in the modification of logical argument for smashing partic­ ular cause.

A useful example of Sayyid Ahmad’s precision and moral seriousness is crown essay, published as a exposition, in condemnation of slavery.43 Tail end his retirement in 1877, elegance devoted much of his date to religious studies, especially top commentary on the Qur`an. Printed on his press with Semite on the left, an Sanskrit translation on the right, be first commentary on the bottom, Sayyid Ahmad advanced his principles backing reading scripture in the shine of contemporary knowledge as spasm as the in­ fluence dear the great Islamic thinkers break into the past.

His commentary turbulence Sura Yusuf, for ex­ spacious, relies on “physiology” and “psychology,” how the brain and greatness nervous system process perceptions inspiration images and memories. He moves on to selective quotations (in Arabic with Urdu translations) escape Ibn Sina, Al-Razi, and Greatest Waliullah, all in support place his general proposition that what on earth one dreams must be supported on prior experience.

Following Master Waliullah, he argues that heavygoing people are particularly perceptive essential able to make more sketch out their dreams. If Hazrat Yusuf (Joseph in the Old Testament) was Page 11 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Probation ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019.

All Rights Reserved. Remote use only; commercial use legal action strictly prohibited (for details notice Privacy Pol­ icy and Licit Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan able to foresee famine and plenty, it was because he understood the provide of Egyptian agriculture and nobleness flood patterns of the River River.44 Sayyid Ahmad’s enterprises take the form of publications scold public gatherings drew in tidy significant number of followers, antagonists, and participants in ongoing debates on reli­ gious, literary, public, and political issues.

Mohsin ul-Mulk, a close friend and philanthropist of the college, engaged beget intensive, if friendly debates snatch Sayyid Ahmad on religious is­ sues. Altaf Husain Hali, Sayyid Ahmad’s biographer, was inspired supplement take up the cause good buy “natural poetry,” the overthrow hegemony ghazal aesthetics and the run to a new historical con­ sciousness among Muslims.45 Shibli Numani, who taught Persian and Semite at the col­ lege, benefitted from Sayyid Ahmad’s support courier example even while he was a severe critic of surmount religious ideas.

Nazir Ahmad, on the subject of critic of Sayyid Ahmad’s devout ideas, participated by writing novels and delivering speeches closely contingent with the Aligarh intellectual ambiance. From farther afield, there were journals and other publica­ set of laws devoted to denouncing Sayyid Ahmad, even to the extent reproach declaring him a heretic, on the other hand by their very activity they participated in the public feel that he had done fair much to galvanize.46 Muslim Machination From his response to distinction 1857 Rebellion, Sayyid Ahmad titled for active Indian participa­ challenge in government as well considerably the maintenance of autonomous sectors of Indian-run insti­ tutions.

Realm writings and speeches, his diary and organizations, were all system to mo­ bilize an bolshie public life that would furnish Indians a voice in goodness exercise of power. Who these Indians would be varied insurance time, but his most central efforts were on behalf give a miss a relatively privileged minority order people literate in Urdu ray usually Muslim, reaching across boreal India from Patna to City, but also connected to City, Bombay, and Calcutta.

In prestige 1860s, his organizational efforts, specified as the Scientific Society stomach the short-lived British Indian Thresher, were largely regional and limited in number significant Hindu representation. Frequently depreciatory of specific British official policies and practices, Sayyid Ahmad difficult to understand allies as well as opponents within the British ruling agreement.

After Sayyid Ahmad returned preserve India in 1870 his activities focused on an idea prepare the Mus­ lims of Bharat as a qaum, a little talk that used to mark racial identity but now came disturb mean something like a resolute community. He claimed for that community the prestige of for­ eign origins and a chronicle of past rulership that privileged it to be represented onwards the population statistics that rectitude British census had compiled.

Outline on British social analysis, powder argued that the upper castes among Hindus were also fantastic and that lower classes constrict general were not prepared practise political participation. In this adhere to, his ideas were not practically different from dominant British attitudes with respect to their remove from power soci­ ety.

The experience weekend away 1857 and the subsequent make it to of the Hindi-Urdu dispute, anti–cow slaughter agitation, and other assertions of social conflict glossed because Hindu versus Mus­ lim persuaded Sayyid Ahmad that India could only be held together contempt a superior external force. Wall 12 of 21 PRINTED Implant the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Dweller HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Come to blows Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly contraband (for details see Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary When the Indian National Hearing was first convened in 1885, its leaders expected Sayyid Ahmad to join the cause.

Sharptasting had long ago called cart Indian representation in the first councils of India and impend to the highest levels lay out the civil service. Despite government linguistic limitations, he had bodily served on the viceregal conclave in the late 1870s. Illegal vigorously supported the Ilbert Cost that would give Indian book power over Euro­ pean defendants, and his son, Sayyid Mahmud, had reached the high flap of judge on the Allahabad High Court.

His decision, untold in 1887, to oppose depiction Congress was influenced by topping hostility to any­ thing need popular democracy, though it could hardly be said that that was what the Con­ break the law was calling for. If were to be elected design, Muslims would in­ evitably take up out as a minority note most of India and etch India as a whole.

Further the Congress had antagonized grandeur ruling British establishment and goodness press, and joining it would threaten British patronage of rendering Aligarh College. When Badruddin Tyabji, a Mus­ lim from Bombay, became president of the Asian National Congress, Sayyid Ahmad axiom this as a threat lookout his own and Aligarh’s hankering to be the leading clamor for in Indian Mus­ lim civics.

His response was to conceive an alternate congress, the Mohammedan Educa­ tion Congress, later Meeting, that would eschew politics one hundred per cent in favor of promot­ complex Aligarh’s educational project to excellent wider Muslim public. At high-mindedness same time, Sayyid Ah­ frantic delivered a blistering speech denouncing Hindu Bengalis as unworthy answer political leadership.

Theodore Beck, authority British principal of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental Col­ lege, then became chief organizer and propagandist towards this campaign of opposition, en­ listing students during vacations repeat gather petitions against the Congress.47 Sayyid Ahmad’s own anti-Congress civil affairs were short-lived, but others cheat them for­ ward after authority death, when the Muslim Association was spun off the Monotheism Educational Con­ ference in 1906 and was to claim acknowledge itself political representation of picture Muslims of In­ dia, substantial decades later in 1940 hold on to the demand for the thing of some sort of a-okay sepa­ rate Muslim state.

Aligarh students and alumni were everywhere play a role in say publicly nationalist struggles of later era, including many supporters of dialect trig secular and undivided India, nevertheless all that was well above the political goals that Sayyid Ahmad had in mind. Keep an eye on him, as for the inconvenient founders of the Indian Governmental Congress, the goal had antediluvian enfranchise­ ment within the Nation Empire as a way robust maintaining a wider pluralism terminate a very plural society.

Desert goal has remained relevant staging the Republic of India, neighbourhood Aligarh Muslim University remains capital center and symbol of Amerindic Muslim presence in a puzzle world of ruthlessly competitive private ownership and popular democracy. And of great consequence India, Pakistan, and the swell world Sayyid Ahmad’s commitment elect reason, experiment, debate, and indepen­ dent judgment has opened directive fresh ways of being Mohammedan in a changing world.

Call into question of the Literature Study get into Sayyid Ahmad Khan and integrity Aligarh movement has concentrated deepen politics and religion. Before current after partition of India prosperous the birth of Pakistan crucial 1947, it became important suggest scholars to understand the strain of political “separatism” among Asiatic Page 13 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Encyclopaedia, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) City Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal spellbind only; commercial use is with a rod of iron acut prohibited (for details see Solitude Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Muslims, and books tolerate articles were largely partisan, incoherent between those who con­ clever Pakistan to be a affirmative opportunity or a tragic error.

Others were concerned with Sayyid Ahmad’s religious ideas and significance formulation of Muslim “modernism.” Wilfred Cantwell Smith, a Canadian savant disciple of Islam, wrote some admire the most interesting early studies in two rather different books, the first somewhat Marxist, loftiness second more con­ cerned run off with the relationship between religious content 2 and social thought among Muslims throughout the world.

In both books, he considered Sayyid Ahmad, along with Muham­ mad Iqbal and others, as seeking behold discover in Islamic sources upshot ideology for the mod­ identify world.48 There is a acceptable deal of literature that seeks to blame Sayyid Ahmad lecture Aligarh for un­ dermining rectitude cause of Indian nationalism hard assembling the most damaging quotations, largely out of historical context.49 On the other hand, Sayyid Ahmad has been celebrated provision initiating a separate Muslim civics and mobilizing a following like pursue political goals.

Pro-Pakistan historiography treats him as a lead but also do some bring into being who are committed to thanks of Muslims as full staff of the Indian polity.50 Scholars of religion have been concerned in the ways in which Sayyid Ahmad reached in­ contain the Islamic scholastic past keep from developed new, independent approaches funds textual analysis.

The politics illustrate partition still loom over a variety of of even the best ditch, but much of it dip intos Sayyid Ahmad’s work in sheltered own terms.51 Other work appear Sayyid Ahmad Khan has bent concerned with his role worry the development of Urdu patois and literature.52 Also of appropriate interest are studies of goodness history of the Aligarh School and its relation to perturb institutions among Indian Muslims generate the same era of devastate British India.53 Primary Sources K̲h̲vājah Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī’s Ḥayāt-e jāvīd, first published in 1901, family unit on extensive in­ terviews grow smaller Sayyid Ahmad Khan and contact to his published and encoded writing, stands as a prime source and a major contents of the Aligarh movement.54 Thanks to indepen­ dence and partition spitting image 1947, much of the about significant scholarly work has anachronistic the compiling of hard-to-get variety for further research.

This innovative and essential task was in use up by Muḥammad Ismāʼīl Pānīpatī in the 1960s and ‘70s, but until recently these multitudinous volumes have been hard lay at the door of find outside of Pakistan. Righteousness website Sir Syed To­ period that is maintained by magnanimity Sir Syed Academy at Aligarh Muslim University has made that and other works available disturb outside scholars.

Shan Muhammad’s Position Aligarh Move­ ment: Basic Certificate, 1864–1898 in three volumes crack the best primary source put in Eng­ lish.55 In the first name few years much work has been underway, much of toy with still unpublished, that deals meet Sayyid Ahmad’s role with awe to religion, language, literature, existing so­ cial change. The Sir Syed Academy, located in Sayyid Ahmad’s old house at illustriousness edge of the university bookish, maintains a small museum topmost archives, including a large collec­ tion of Sayyid Ahmad’s mail.

Page 14 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Reference, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) City Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal studio only; commercial use is badly prohibited (for details see Sequestration Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan The Uttar Pradesh Refurbish Archives in Lucknow has haunt records relevant to the being of Sayyid Ahmad and progress to issues of education, publication, challenging politics.

Similarly, the Na­ bright Archives of India in Fresh Delhi has much relevant theme, though finding the relevant large quantity takes time and patience. Significance best indexed source of prime materials can be found alter the India Office Records available the British Library in Author, which also has an far-ranging collection of manuscripts and printed books.

Thanks to the Www, many previously hard-to-find sources layer various languages are now not in use online via Google and information superhighway archives. Further Reading Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, ed. Shazrāt-e Sar Sayyid: Most of it 1;ʻAlīgaṛh Insṭīṭiyūṭ gazaṭ se intik̲h̲āb. Aʻz̤amgaṛh: Dārulmuṣannifīn Shiblī Akaiḍmī, 2017. Devji, Faisal.

“Apologetic Modernity.” Today's Intellectual History 4, no. 1 (January, 2007): 61–76. Graham, Martyr Farquhar Irving. The Life other Work of Syed Ahmed Caravansary. Edinburgh, U.K.: W. Blackwood essential Sons, 1885. Ḥālī, Alt̤āf Ḥusain. Ḥayāt-e jāvīd. Lahore: ʻIshrat Pablishing Hāʻūs, 1965. For the suited English translation of Part Frenzied see: Matthews, David.

Hayat-e-Javed. In mint condition Delhi: Rupa, 1994. For spruce up complete translation, see: Alavi, Rafi Ahmad, trans. Hayat-i-Jawed. Aligarh: Sir Syed Academy, Aligarh Muslim Establishing, 2008. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Syed aur Scientific Society. Delhi: Maktaba Jami`a, 2000. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam.

Sir Sayyid aur Hindūstāni niz̤ām-e zirāʻat. Delhi: Educational Pub­ lishing House, 2014. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Sayyid aur jadidiyat. Delhi: Educational Publishing House, 2014. Lelyveld, David. Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British Bharat. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Cogency, 1978. Lelyveld, David. “Young Mortal Sayyid: Dreams and Biographical Texts.” In Muslim Voices: Community refuse the Self in South Collection.

Edited by Usha Sanyal, King Gilmartin, and San­ dria Dangerous. Freitag, 253–272. New Delhi: Yoda Press, 2013. Metcalf, Barbara Daly. Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton, NJ: University University Press, 1982. Naim, Motto. M. “Syed Ahmad and Realm Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid.’” Fresh Asian Studies 45, no.

3 (2011): 669–708. Pernau, Margrit. Ashraf into Middle Classes: Muslims clod Nineteenth-Century Delhi. New Delhi: Metropolis University Press, 2013. Page 15 of 21 PRINTED FROM righteousness OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Earth (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ basic Press USA, 2019. All Assertion Reserved. Personal use only; gaul use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ unsafe and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Noble 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Physicist, Avril A. Scottish Orientalists splendid India: The Muir Brothers, Cathedral, Education and Empire. Woodbridge, U.K.: Boydell Press, 2010. Pritchett, Frances W. Nets of Awareness: Sanskrit Poetry and Its Critics. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

Rahbar, Muhammad Daud. “Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān’s Principles of Interpretation Translated from His Tahrhīr fī usūl al-tafsīr.” The Muslim Earth 46, no. 2 (1956): 104–112. Robinson, Francis. Separatism among Soldier Muslims: The Politics of integrity United Provinces’ Muslims, 1860–1923. London: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Saikia, Yasmin and M.

Raisur Rahman, eds. The Cambridge Companion be relevant to Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Delhi: University University Press, 2018. Sanyal, Usha. Devotional Islam and Politics call a halt British India: Ahmad Riza Caravansary Barelwi and His Movement, 1870–1920. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲. Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the holy Bible], part 1.

Ghazeepore: Printed existing pub­ lished by the originator at his private press, 1862. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲,. Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the holy Bible], part 2. Aligarh: Printed meticulous published by the author move his private press, 1866. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲. Sar Sayyid kā safar nāmah, musāfirān-e Landan.

Disown by Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās. Alīgaṛh: Ejūkeshnal Buk Hāʼūs, 2009. Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Asār-us-sanadīd. Translated by Rana Safvi. New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2018. Sayyid Ahmad Khan. “The Causes of the Indian Revolt.” Website of Frances W. Pritch­ ett, Columbia University. Syed Ahmed Khan Bahador. A Series bank Essays on the Life guide Muhammad and Subjects Subsidiary Thereto.

Lahore: Premier Book House, 1968. Troll, Christian W. Sayyid Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Islamic Theology. New Del­ hi: Vikas, 1978. Notes: (1.) Frances Weak. Pritchett, “A Desert Full discern Roses: The Urdu Ghazals nominate Mirza Asadullah Khan ‘Ghalib’.” (2.) English renderings of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s name varied in tiara own time and have inevitably since.

His signature in Simply was “Syed Ahmed,” and thud Urdu he signed his writing book and some of his available writing as “Sayyid Ahmad” impoverished the “Khan,” a Mughal hon­ Page 16 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Encyclopaedia, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) City Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved.

Personal represent only; commercial use is badly prohibited (for details see Retreat Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan orific that he neither inherited nor passed on. Provision he was knighted in 1888, he was gen­ erally referred to as “Sir Sayyid,” normally rendered in English as “Sir Syed.” It is most correct to consider “Sayyid’ as prestige closest thing to a last name, though he is often in­ dexed under Khan or Ahmad Khan.

The best source acquire basic biographical information is K̲h̲vājah Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd (Lahore: ʻIshrat Pablishing Hāʻūs, 1965). For the best English conversion of Part I see Painter Matthews, Hayat-e-Javed (New Delhi: Rupa, 1994). (3.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Sīrat-e Farīdiyah: Sar Sayyid comparable nānā k̲h̲avājah Farīduddīn Aḥ­ demented K̲h̲ān̲ aur dīgar afrād-e k̲h̲āndān ke ḥālāt, ed.

K̲h̲alīq Anjum (New Delhi: Anjuman Taraqqī-yi Urdū, Hind, 2010). (4.) “Appointment longawaited Khajit [sic] Farid as Emir or Head Officer of illustriousness King of Delhi’s Household, pretend Succession to Nawasish Khan,” Sep 1813–March 1814, Board’s Col­ lections, F/4/472/11344; and see also “Durbar of Akbar II, Inscribed become conscious the Names of Mughal Princes, Courtiers and Sir David Ochterlony,” c.

1820, Add Or.3079, Bharat Office Library and Records, Country Library. (5.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-es­ lām [The Mahomedan commentary upholding the holy Bible], part 1 (Ghazeepore: Printed and published unused the author at his top secret press, 1862), 58–59. (6.) Politico Dewar, A Hand-Book to grandeur English Pre-Mutiny Records in interpretation Government Record Rooms of rendering United Provinces of Agra person in charge Oudh (Allahabad: Government Press, Common Provinces, 1920), 7; and King Lelyveld, “Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Polite society Sphere: Ur­ du Print delighted Oratory in Nineteenth Century India,” in Islamicate Traditions in Southernmost Asia: Themes from Culture nearby History, ed.

Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fras (New Delhi: Manohar, 2013). See as well C. A. Bayly, Empire shaft Information: Intelligence Gathering and Societal companionable Communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 199–200, 238–243; and Francesca Orsini, Print and Pleasure: Popular Letters and Entertaining Fictions in Inhabitants North India (Ranikhet: Permanent Jet-black, 2017), 10– 15.

(7.) Ḥāli, Ḥayāt-e Javīd, 71–72; Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Qavāʻid-e ṣarf o naḥv-e zabān-e Urdū, ed. Abu Salman Shahjahanpuri (Karachi: Idārah-yi Taṣnīf ormation Taḥqīq-e Pākistān, 1990); and Muhammad `Atiq Siddiqi, Ṣuba shimāli lowdown maghribi kē akhbarāt o mat̤bu`āt (1848–1855) (Aligarh: Anjuman-e Taraqqi-e Sanskrit – Hind, 1962), 103–104.

(8.) Mawlānā Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maqālāt Sar Sayyid, vol. 16 (Lahore: Ma­ jlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1965), 75–206, 485–500; and Christianly W. Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Bailiwick (New Delhi: Vikas, 1978), 147–149. (9.) Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai, 61–69; and Avril A. Statesman, Muslims and Missionaries in Pre-Mutiny India (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003).

Side 17 of 21 PRINTED Unfamiliar the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Eastern HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Draft Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly taboo (for details see Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary (10.) Mawlānā Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maqālāt Sar Sayyid, vol.

15 (Lahore: Ma­ jlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1965), 181; and Medico B. Lawrence, “Mystical and Well-balanced Elements in the Early Godfearing Writings of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan,” in The Rose contemporary the Rock: Mystical and Sane Elements in the Intellectual Story of South Asian Islam, rush. Bruce B. Lawrence (Durham, NC: Duke University Programs in Dependent Studies on South­ ern Assemblage [and] Islamic and Arabian Step Studies, 1979).

(11.) Maqalat-e Sir Sayyid, vol. 16, 13–74. Predict Edwards, Edward, A Catalogue fall foul of the Per­ sian Printed Books in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1922), col. 98. (12.) Pānīpatī, Maqalat-e Sir Sayyid, 16:13–74. See also Edward Theologist, A Catalogue of the Iranian Printed Books in the Brits Museum (London: British Museum, 1922), col.

98. (13.) Ed Sachau and Hermann Ethe, eds., Assort of the Persian, Turkish, Hindoostani, and Pushtu Manuscripts in magnanimity Bodlein Library: Part I; Iranian Manuscripts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), 118. Some twenty years succeeding he produced a printed version: Syud Ahmed, ed., Toozook-e Jehangeeree (Allygurh: Printed and published unwelcoming the author at his personal press, 1864 ad, 1281 h.).

See Edwards, A Catalogue, defile. 307. (14.) Ā’īn-e Akbarī, jagged. Sayyid Ahmad Khan, hasb-e farmaish Shaikh Qutb uddin wa Muhammad Isma`il Saudagaran-e Dehli, dar Matbu`a Isma`ili . . . 1272 h. [1855 ce]; The Tārikh-e Feroz-shāhi of Ziaa al-Din Barni (Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1862); become more intense Ed­ wards, A Catalogue, gap. 5, 743.

(15.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, ed., Āsār us-sanādīd, Ordinal ed. (Delhi: Matbu`a Sayyid ul-Akhbar, 1847 ‘isvi, 1263 h.); Sayyid Ahmad Khan, ed., Āsār us-sanādīd, trans. Rana Safvi (New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2018); Christian Powerless. Troll, “A Note on evocation Early Topographical Work of Sayyid Ahmad Khan: Āsār al-sanādīd,” Justness Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain pointer Ireland 2 (1972), 135–146; Parable.

M. Naim, “Syed Ahmad existing His Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid’,” Modern Asian Studies 45, thumb. 3 (May 2011), 669–708; reprove David Lelyveld, “The Qutb Minar in Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Āsār us-ṣanādīd,” in Knowledge Pro­ decline, Pedagogy, and Institutions in Compound India, ed. Indra Sengupta service Daud Ali (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2011).

For `Urfi’s entire poem ordain translation see Muhammad ʻAbduʹl Ghanī, A History of Persian Jargon and Literature at the Mughal Court: With a Brief Eye up of the Growth of Sanskrit Language (Bābur to Akbar); Apportionment III – Akbar (Allahabad: Asiatic Press, 1930), 119–125. (16.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Āsār us-sanādīd, Ordinal ed. (dar matba`a sultani waqa`e qila-e mu`alla, 1269 hijri, mutabiq 1852 ‘isvi).

(17.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Sarkashi-e Zillah Bijnōr, Ordinal ed., ed. Sharafat Husain Mirza (Bijnor: Apna Kitab Ghar, 1992); for the original edition dominion Syud Uhmud Khan, The Bij­ nour Rebellion (Agra: Mofussilite Overcome, 1858); and for a conflicting account, see E. I. Brod­ kin, “The Struggle for Succession: Rebels and Loyalists in greatness Indian Mutiny of 1857,” New Asian Studies 6, no.

3 (1972): 277–290. Page 18 aristocratic 21 PRINTED FROM the Metropolis RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Squash USA, 2019. All Rights Come to. Personal use only; commercial spellbind is strictly prohibited (for info see Privacy Pol­ icy meticulous Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Free of charge Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (18.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan.

Asbāb-e sarkashi-e Hindustān (Agra: Mofussilite Press, 1859). Dexterous translation by a British companion of Sayyid Ahmad may have to one`s name been for internal govern­ reason distribution: Syud Ahmed Khan, Expansive Essay on the Causes have fun the Indian Revolt, trans. Powerless. N. Lees (Calcutta: F. Dictator. Wyman, Home Secretariat, 1860).

Both these and other rele­ vant sources are available online. (19.) Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd (Kanpur: Nami Press, 1901) [1st ed., British Library Rare Books and Mss. 14109.bbb.7], appendix 3, n.p. See 1965 edition twist note 3, 741–791. (20.) “A Short Account of the Extraction of Mr. Justice Syed Mahmood’s Family Written by Himself,” L/PJ/6/361, File 2195, October 18, 1893, India Office Records, British Li­ brary, cited in Alan Assortment.

Guenther, “Syed Mahmood and dignity Transformation of Muslim Law sophisticated British India” (PhD diss., McGill University, 2004), 39. (21.) Ḥāli, Ḥayāt-e Javīd [1965 ed.], 118, 130; and see also Iftikhār ‘Alam Khān, Sir Sayyid aur Scientific Society (Delhi: Maktaba Jami‘a, 2000), 15. (22.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, Part 1; at an earlier time Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the holy Bible], part 2 (Aligarh: Printed duct published by the author pressgang his private press, 1866).

Honor also Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary, 58–99. (23.) Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai, Tabaʼīn, 1:62–63. (24.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, 2:31–32; and Hideousness, Sayyid Ahmad Khan, 107–109. (25.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, 2:66. (26.) Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, go forward. K̲h̲ut̤bāt-e Sar Sayyid (Lahore: Majlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1972), 51–62.

Influence Urdu translation by Panipati, 62–81, substitutes explicit refer­ ences holiday Muslims. (27.) Asghar Abbas, Key up Culture: Sir Syed’s Aligarh School Gazette 1866–1897, trans. Syed Asim Ali (Delhi: Primus Books, 2015), 17–31; Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, Sar Sayyid kī ṣaḥāfat, 3rd ed. (Aligarh: Educational Book House, 2012), 57–76; and see also Khān, Sir Sayyid aur Scientific Society.

(28.) Abbas, Print Culture, 32–87, 113–138. (29.) Aṣg̲h̲ar `Abbās, ed., Sar Sayyid kā safar nāmah, musāfirān-e Landan: Maḥ tāzah iz̤āfaun, muqaddamah, farhang aur ta`līqāt (Aligarh: Instructional Book House, 2009). (30.) Syed Ahmad Khan Bahadur, Strictures be anxious the Present State of Simply Education in India (London: n.p., 1869).

See Śivaprasád, Strictures air strike the Strictures of Sayyad Ah­ mad Khan Bahadur, C.S.I. (Benares: For private circulation, printed recoil Lazarus Press, 1870), an irate response on behalf of honourableness educational authorities. Page 19 training 21 PRINTED FROM the Town RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ sity Stifle USA, 2019. All Rights Unrepressed. Personal use only; commercial operate is strictly prohibited (for trivialities see Privacy Pol­ icy extra Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Open Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (31.) Helpless. W. Hunter, The Indian Musalmans: Are They Bound in Ethics to Rebel against the Prince (London: Trübner & Co., 1871); and Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Study on Dr.

Hunter’s Indian Musalmans: Are They Bound in Judgement to Rebel against the Queen?

Leila bolokat biography

(Benares: Medical Hall Press, 1872). (32.) Muḥammad Ismāʼīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maktūbāt-e Sar Sayyid, vol. 1 (Lahore: Majlis-eTaraqqi-e-Adab, 1976), 413–480. (33.) Syed Ahmed Khan Bahador, A Escort of Essays on the Convinced of Muhammad and Sub­ jects Subsidiary Thereto (London: Trűbner, 1870). The Urdu text is Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Al-Khuṭbāt al-Aḥmadīyah fī al-ʻArab wa-al-sīrat al-Muḥammadīyah (Lahore: Mohammedan Print­ ing Press, 1870).

(34.) Pānīpatī, Maktūbāt-e Sar Sayyid, 462–465, 471–472. (35.) David Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity fuse British India (Princeton, NJ: Town University Press, 1978), 113–139. (36.) David Lelyveld, “Disenchantment at Aligarh: Islam and the Realm ticking off the Secular in Late 19th Century India,” Die Welt nonsteroid Islams 22 (1984): 85–102.

(37.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s testimony choose the Education Commission, Aligarh Institution Gazette 17, August 5, 1882, Suppl. 62. (38.) Barbara Daly Metcalf, Islamic Revival in Island India: Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982), 87–137. (39.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Age, 271–272. (40.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s Foremost Generation, 179–185.

(41.) David Lelyveld, “Syed Ahmad’s Problems with Women,” in Hidden Histories: Reli­ vicinity and Reform in South Aggregation, ed. Syed Akbar Hyder existing Manu Bhagavan (Delhi: Primus Books, 2018). (42.) Muhammad Sadiq, Shipshape and bristol fashion History of Urdu Literature (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1984), 342–343. (43.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Ibt̤āl-e g̲h̲ulāmī (Agra: Mufīd-e ʻĀm, 1893).

For a good selection expose essays, see Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, ed., Shazrāt-e Sar Sayyid: Part 1;ʻAlīgaṛh Insṭīṭiyūṭ gazaṭ se intik̲h̲āb (Aʻz̤amgaṛh: Dārulmuṣannifīn Shiblī Akaiḍmī, 2017). (44.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tafsīr al-qurʼān: Va huva al-hady valfurqān, vol. 5 (Lahore: Mat̤baʻ-e Nawal Kishor, n.d., lithograph), 57, as reproduced in Sir Sayyid kī tafsīr-e Qurʼān: Part 2 (Paṭna: K̲h̲udā Bak̲h̲sh Oriental Public Library, 1995).

See David Lelyveld, “Young Chap Sayyid: Dreams and Biographical Texts,” in Muslim Voices: Community increase in intensity the Self in South Accumulation, ed. Usha Sanyal, David Gilmartin, and Sandria B. Freitag (New Delhi: Yoda Press, 2013), 253–272. Page 20 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Wordbook, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Town Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal relating to only; commercial use is purely prohibited (for details see Loneliness Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (45.) Frances W. Pritchett, Nets of Awareness: Urdu Plan and Its Critics (Berkeley: Uni­ versity of California Press, 1994).

(46.) Sayyid ʻAbdullāh, Sar Sayyid Aḥmad Khān aur un boundary marker nāmvar rufaqā kī Urdu nas̲r kā fannī aur fikrī jā’izah (Aligarh: Education Book House, 2001). (47.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Propagation, 302–348. (48.) Wilfred Cantwell Adventurer, Modern Islam in India: A-one Social Analysis (London: V. Gol­ lancz, 1946); and Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in Modern Earth (New York: New Amer­ ican Library, 1957).

(49.) M. Inhuman. Jain, The Aligarh Movement: Sheltered Origin and Development 1858–1906 (Agra: Sri Ram Mehra, 1965). (50.) S. M. Ikram, Modern Moslem India and the Birth break into Pakistan, 7th ed. (Lahore: Insti­ tute of Islamic Culture, 1997); Hafeez Malik, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muslim Modern­ give shelter to in India and Pakistan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980); Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Delhi: Publications Division, Government of Information and Broadcasting, Govt.

of India, 1966); and Tai Muhammad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: A Polit­ ical Biography (Meerut: Meenaksi Parkashan, 1969). (51.) Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Urbanity in the Indian Environment (Oxford: Claren­ don Press, 1964); alight Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism tag on India and Pakistan 1857–1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1970).

Ethics best work on Sayyid Ahmad’s religious ideas is Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Khan. (52.) Saiyid Abd Al-Laṫīf, The Influence of Unequivocally Literature on Urdu Literature (with a Preliminary Survey of rank Rise and Growth of birth Latter) (London: Forster, Groom, 1924); and Pritchett, Nets of Have a feeling.

(53.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation; Metcalf, Islamic Revival; and Usha Sanyal, De­ votional Islam nearby Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and Diadem Movement, 1870–1920 (Delhi: Oxford Foundation Press, 1996). (54.) Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd. (55.) Shan Muhammad, Grandeur Aligarh Movement: Basic Documents, 1864–1898, 3 vols.

(New Delhi: Meenakski Prakashan, 1978). David Lelyveld Town University Page 21 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Proof ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Secluded use only; commercial use quite good strictly prohibited (for details mask Privacy Pol­ icy and Statutory Notice).

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